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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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Cut hair and nails burnt to prevent them from falling into the hands of sorcerers.

Some people burn their loose hair to save it from falling into the hands of sorcerers. This is done by the Patagonians and some of the Victorian tribes.1008 In the Upper Vosges they say that you should never leave the clippings of your hair and nails lying about, but burn them to hinder the sorcerers from using them against you.1009 For the same reason Italian women either burn their loose hairs or throw them into a place where no one is likely to look for them.1010 The almost universal dread of witchcraft induces the West African negroes, the Makololo of South Africa, and the Tahitians to burn or bury their shorn hair.1011 For the same reason the natives of Uap, one of the Caroline Islands, either burn or throw into the sea the clippings of their hair and the parings of their nails.1012 One of the pygmies who roam through the gloomy depths of the vast central African forests has been seen to collect carefully the clippings of his hair in a packet of banana leaves and keep them till next morning, when, the camp breaking up for the day's march, he threw them into the hot ashes of the abandoned fire.1013 Australian aborigines of the Proserpine River, in Queensland, burn a woman's cut hair to prevent it from getting into a man's bag; for if it did, the woman would fall ill.1014 When an English officer had cut off a lock of hair of a Fuegian woman, the men of her party were angry, and one of them, taking the lock away, threw half of it into the fire and swallowed the rest. “Immediately afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a tone and gesture of explanation, ‘Pecheray, Pecheray.’ After which they cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and repeated a similar ceremony.”1015 The Thompson Indians used to burn the parings of their nails, because if an enemy got possession of the parings he might bewitch the person to whom they belonged.1016 In the Tyrol many people burn their hair lest the witches should use it to raise thunderstorms; others burn or bury it to prevent the birds from lining their nests with it, which would cause the heads from which the hair came to ache.1017 Cut and combed-out hair is burned in Pomerania and sometimes in Belgium.1018 In Norway the parings of nails are either burned or buried, lest the elves or the Finns should find them and make them into bullets wherewith to shoot the cattle.1019 In Corea all the clippings and combings of the hair of a whole family are carefully preserved throughout the year and then burned in potsherds outside the house on the evening of New Year's Day. At such seasons the streets of Seoul, the capital, present a weird spectacle. They are for the most part silent and deserted, sometimes muffled deep in snow; but through the dusk of twilight red lights glimmer at every door, where little groups are busy tending tiny fires whose flickering flames cast a ruddy fitful glow on the moving figures. The burning of the hair in these fires is thought to exclude demons from the house for a year; but coupled with this belief may well be, or once have been, a wish to put these relics out of the reach of witches and wizards.1020

Inconsistency in burning cut hair and nails.

This destruction of the hair and nails plainly involves an inconsistency of thought. The object of the destruction is avowedly to prevent these severed portions of the body from being used by sorcerers. But the possibility of their being so used depends upon the supposed sympathetic connexion between them and the man from whom they were severed. And if this sympathetic connexion still exists, clearly these severed portions cannot be destroyed without injury to the man.

 

Hair is sometimes cut because it is infected with the virus of taboo. In these cases hair-cutting is a form of purification. Hair of mourners cut to rid them of the pollution of death.

Before leaving this subject, on which I have perhaps dwelt too long, it may be well to call attention to the motive assigned for cutting a young child's hair in Rotti.1021 In that island the first hair is regarded as a danger to the child, and its removal is intended to avert the danger. The reason of this may be that as a young child is almost universally supposed to be in a tabooed or dangerous state, it is necessary, in removing the taboo, to remove also the separable parts of the child's body because they are infected, so to say, by the virus of taboo and as such are dangerous. The cutting of the child's hair would thus be exactly parallel to the destruction of the vessels which have been used by a tabooed person.1022 This view is borne out by a practice, observed by some Australians, of burning off part of a woman's hair after childbirth as well as burning every vessel which has been used by her during her seclusion.1023 Here the burning of the woman's hair seems plainly intended to serve the same purpose as the burning of the vessels used by her; and as the vessels are burned because they are believed to be tainted with a dangerous infection, so, we must suppose, is also the hair. Similarly among the Latuka of central Africa, a woman is secluded for fourteen days after the birth of her child, and at the end of her seclusion her hair is shaved off and burnt.1024 Again, we have seen that girls at puberty are strongly infected with taboo; hence it is not surprising to find that the Ticunas of Brazil tear out all the hair of girls at that period.1025 Once more, the father of twins in Uganda is tabooed for some time after the birth of the children, and during that time he may not dress his hair nor cut his finger nails. This state of taboo lasts until the next war breaks out. When the army is under orders to march, the father of twins has the whole of his body shaved and his nails cut. The shorn hair and the cut nails are then tied up in a ball, which the man takes with him to the war, together with the bark cloth he wore at the ceremonial dances after the birth of the twins. When he has killed a foe, he crams the ball into the dead man's mouth, ties the bark cloth round the neck of the corpse, and leaves them there on the battlefield.1026 The ceremony appears to be intended to rid the man of the taint of taboo which may be supposed to adhere to his hair, nails, and the garment he wore. Hence we can understand the importance attached by many peoples to the first cutting of a child's hair and the elaborate ceremonies by which the operation is accompanied.1027 Again, we can understand why a man should poll his head after a journey.1028 For we have seen that a traveller is often believed to contract a dangerous infection from strangers, and that, therefore, on his return home he is obliged to submit to various purificatory ceremonies before he is allowed to mingle freely with his own people.1029 On my hypothesis the polling of the hair is simply one of these purificatory or disinfectant ceremonies. Certainly this explanation applies to the custom as practised by the Bechuanas, for we are expressly told that “they cleanse or purify themselves after journeys by shaving their heads, etc., lest they should have contracted from strangers some evil by witchcraft or sorcery.”1030 The cutting of the hair after a vow may have the same meaning. It is a way of ridding the man of what has been infected by the dangerous state, whether we call it taboo, sanctity, or uncleanness (for all these are only different expressions for the same primitive conception), under which he laboured during the continuance of the vow. Still more clearly does the meaning of the practice come out in the case of mourners, who cut their hair and nails and use new vessels when the period of their mourning is at an end. This was done in ancient India, obviously for the purpose of purifying such persons from the dangerous influence of death and the ghost to which for a time they had been exposed.1031 Among the Bodos and Dhimals of Assam, when a death has occurred, the family of the deceased is reckoned unclean for three days. At the end of that time they bathe, shave, and are sprinkled with holy water, after which they hold the funeral feast.1032 Here the act of shaving must clearly be regarded as a purificatory rite, like the bathing and sprinkling with holy water. At Hierapolis no man might enter the great temple of Astarte on the same day on which he had seen a corpse; next day he might enter, provided he had first purified himself. But the kinsmen of the deceased were not allowed to set foot in the sanctuary for thirty days after the death, and before doing so they had to shave their heads.1033 At Agweh, on the Slave Coast of West Africa, widows and widowers at the end of their period of mourning wash themselves, shave their heads, pare their nails, and put on new cloths; and the old cloths, the shorn hair, and the nail-parings are all burnt.1034 The Kayans of Borneo are not allowed to cut their hair or shave their temples during the period of mourning; but as soon as the mourning is ended by the ceremony of bringing home a newly severed human head, the barber's knife is kept busy enough. As each man leaves the barber's hands, he gathers up the shorn locks and spitting on them murmurs a prayer to the evil spirits not to harm him. He then blows the hair out of the verandah of the house.1035 Among the Wajagga of East Africa mourners shear their hair under a fruit-bearing banana-tree and lay their shorn locks at the foot of the tree. When the fruit of the tree is ripe, they brew beer with it and invite all the mourners to partake of it, saying, “Come and drink the beer of those hair-bananas.”1036 The tribes of British Central Africa destroy the house in which a man has died, and on the day when this is done the mourners have their heads shaved and bury the shorn hair on the site of the house; the Atonga burn it in a new fire made by the rubbing of two sticks.1037 When an Akikuyu woman has, in accordance with custom, exposed her misshapen or prematurely born infant in the wood for the hyaenas to devour, she is shaved on her return by an old woman and given a magic potion to drink; after which she is regarded as clean.1038 Similarly at some Hindoo places of pilgrimage on the banks of rivers men who have committed great crimes or are troubled by uneasy consciences have every hair shaved off by professional barbers before they plunge into the sacred stream, from which “they emerge new creatures, with all the accumulated guilt of a long life effaced.”1039 The matricide Orestes is said to have polled his hair after appeasing the angry Furies of his murdered mother.1040

 

§ 9. Spittle tabooed

People may be bewitched by means of their spittle. Hence people take care of their spittle to prevent it from falling into the hands of sorcerers.

The same fear of witchcraft which has led so many people to hide or destroy their loose hair and nails has induced other or the same people to treat their spittle in a like fashion. For on the principles of sympathetic magic the spittle is part of the man, and whatever is done to it will have a corresponding effect on him. A Chilote Indian, who has gathered up the spittle of an enemy, will put it in a potato, and hang the potato in the smoke, uttering certain spells as he does so in the belief that his foe will waste away as the potato dries in the smoke. Or he will put the spittle in a frog and throw the animal into an inaccessible, unnavigable river, which will make the victim quake and shake with ague.1041 When a Cherokee sorcerer desires to destroy a man, he gathers up his victim's spittle on a stick and puts it in a joint of wild parsnip, together with seven earthworms beaten to a paste and several splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. He then goes into the forest, digs a hole at the foot of a tree which has been struck by lightning, and deposits in the hole the joint of wild parsnip with its contents. Further, he lays seven yellow stones in the hole, then fills in the earth, and makes a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his work. If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the man whose spittle has thus been treated begins to feel ill at once; his soul shrivels up and dwindles; and within seven days he is a dead man.1042 In the East Indian island of Siaoo or Siauw, one of the Sangi group, there are witches who by means of hellish charms compounded from the roots of plants can change their shape and bring sickness and misfortune on other folk. These hags also crawl under the houses, which are raised above the ground on posts, and there gathering up the spittle of the inmates cause them to fall ill.1043 If a Wotjobaluk sorcerer cannot get the hair of his foe, a shred of his rug, or something else that belongs to the man, he will watch till he sees him spit, when he will carefully pick up the spittle with a stick and use it for the destruction of the careless spitter.1044 The natives of Urewera, a district in the north island of New Zealand, enjoyed a high reputation for their skill in magic. It was said that they made use of people's spittle to bewitch them. Hence visitors were careful to conceal their spittle, lest they should furnish these wizards with a handle for working them harm.1045 Similarly among some tribes of South Africa no man will spit when an enemy is near, lest his foe should find the spittle and give it to a wizard, who would then mix it with magical ingredients so as to injure the person from whom it fell. Even in a man's own house his saliva is carefully swept away and obliterated for a similar reason.1046 For a like reason, no doubt, the natives of the Marianne Islands use great precautions in spitting and take care never to expectorate near somebody else's house.1047 Negroes of Senegal, the Bissagos Archipelago, and some of the West Indian Islands, such as Guadeloupe and Martinique, are also careful to efface their spittle by pressing it into the ground with their feet, lest a sorcerer should use it to their hurt.1048 Natives of Astrolabe Bay, in German New Guinea, wipe out their spittle for the same reason;1049 and a like dread of sorcery prevents some natives of German New Guinea from spitting on the ground in presence of others.1050 The Telugus say that if a man, rinsing his teeth with charcoal in the mornings, spits on the road and somebody else treads on his spittle, the spitter will be laid up with a sharp attack of fever for two or three days. Hence all who wish to avoid the ailment should at once efface their spittle by sprinkling water on it.1051

Precautions taken by chiefs, kings, and wizards to guard their spittle from being put to evil uses by magicians.

If common folk are thus cautious, it is natural that kings and chiefs should be doubly so. In the Sandwich Islands chiefs were attended by a confidential servant bearing a portable spittoon, and the deposit was carefully buried every morning to put it out of the reach of sorcerers.1052 On the Slave Coast of Africa, for the same reason, whenever a king or chief expectorates, the saliva is scrupulously gathered up and hidden or buried.1053 The same precautions are taken for the same reason with the spittle of the chief of Tabali in Southern Nigeria.1054 At Bulebane, in Senegambia, a French traveller observed a captive engaged, with an air of great importance, in covering over with sand all the spittle that fell from the lips of a native dignitary; the man used a small stick for the purpose.1055 Page-boys, who carry tails of elephants, hasten to sweep up or cover with sand the spittle of the king of Ashantee;1056 an attendant used to perform a similar service for the king of Congo;1057 and a custom of the same sort prevails or used to prevail at the court of the Muata Jamwo in the interior of Angola.1058 In Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, there are two great wizards, the head of all the magicians, whose exalted dignity compels them to lead a very strict life. They may eat fruit only from plants or trees which are grown specially for them. When one of them goes abroad the other must stay at home, for if they were to meet each other on the road, some direful calamity would surely follow. Though they may not smoke tobacco, they are allowed to chew a quid of betel; but that which they expectorate is carefully gathered up, carried away, and burned in a special manner, lest any evil-disposed person should get possession of the spittle and do their reverences a mischief by uttering a curse over it.1059 Among the Guaycurus and Payaguas of Brazil, when a chief spat, the persons about him received his saliva on their hands,1060 probably in order to prevent it from being misused by magicians.

Use of spittle in making a covenant.

The magical use to which spittle may be put marks it out, like blood or nail-parings, as a suitable material basis for a covenant, since by exchanging their saliva the covenanting parties give each other a guarantee of good faith. If either of them afterwards forswears himself, the other can punish his perfidy by a magical treatment of the perjurer's spittle which he has in his custody. Thus when the Wajagga of East Africa desire to make a covenant, the two parties will sometimes sit down with a bowl of milk or beer between them, and after uttering an incantation over the beverage they each take a mouthful of the milk or beer and spit it into the other's mouth. In urgent cases, when there is no time to stand on ceremony, the two will simply spit into each other's mouth, which seals the covenant just as well.1061

§ 10. Foods tabooed

Certain foods are tabooed to sacred persons, such as kings, chiefs, priests, and other sacred persons.

As might have been expected, the superstitions of the savage cluster thick about the subject of food; and he abstains from eating many animals and plants, wholesome enough in themselves, which for one reason or another he fancies would prove dangerous or fatal to the eater. Examples of such abstinence are too familiar and far too numerous to quote. But if the ordinary man is thus deterred by superstitious fear from partaking of various foods, the restraints of this kind which are laid upon sacred or tabooed persons, such as kings and priests, are still more numerous and stringent. We have already seen that the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to eat or even name several plants and animals, and that the flesh diet of Egyptian kings was restricted to veal and goose.1062 In antiquity many priests and many kings of barbarous peoples abstained wholly from a flesh diet.1063 The Gangas or fetish priests of the Loango Coast are forbidden to eat or even see a variety of animals and fish, in consequence of which their flesh diet is extremely limited; often they live only on herbs and roots, though they may drink fresh blood.1064 The heir to the throne of Loango is forbidden from infancy to eat pork; from early childhood he is interdicted the use of the cola fruit in company; at puberty he is taught by a priest not to partake of fowls except such as he has himself killed and cooked; and so the number of taboos goes on increasing with his years.1065 In Fernando Po the king after installation is forbidden to eat cocco (arum acaule), deer, and porcupine, which are the ordinary foods of the people.1066 The head chief of the Masai may eat nothing but milk, honey, and the roasted livers of goats; for if he partook of any other food he would lose his power of soothsaying and of compounding charms.1067 The diet of the king of Unyoro in Central Africa was strictly regulated by immemorial custom. He might never eat vegetables, but must live on milk and beef. Mutton he might not touch. The beef he ate must be that of young animals not more than one year old, and it must be spitted and roasted before a wood fire. But he might not drink milk and eat beef at the same meal. He drank milk thrice a day in the dairy, and the milk was always drawn from a sacred herd which was kept for his exclusive use. Nine cows, neither more nor less, were daily brought from pasture to the royal enclosure to be milked for the king. The herding and the milking of the sacred animals were performed according to certain rules prescribed by ancient custom.1068 Amongst the Murrams of Manipur (a district of eastern India, on the border of Burma) “there are many prohibitions in regard to the food, both animal and vegetable, which the chief should eat, and the Murrams say the chief's post must be a very uncomfortable one.”1069 Among the hill tribes of Manipur the scale of diet allowed by custom to the ghennabura or religious head of a village is always extremely limited. The savoury dog, the tomato, the murghi, are forbidden to him. If a man in one of these tribes is wealthy enough to feast his whole village and to erect a memorial stone, he is entitled to become subject to the same self-denying ordinances as the ghennabura. He wears the same special clothes, and for the space of a year at least he may not use a drinking horn, but must drink from a bamboo cup.1070 Among the Karennis or Red Karens of Burma a chief attains his position not by hereditary right but in virtue of the observance of taboo. He must abstain from rice and liquor. His mother too must have eschewed these things and lived only on yams and potatoes while she was with child. During that time she might neither eat meat nor drink water from a common well; and in order to be duly qualified for a chiefship her son must continue these habits.1071 Among the Pshaws and Chewsurs of the Caucasus, whose nominal Christianity has degenerated into superstition and polytheism, there is an annual office which entails a number of taboos on the holder or dasturi, as he is called. He must live the whole year in the temple, without going to his house or visiting his wife; indeed he may not speak to any one, except the priests, for fear of defiling himself. Once a week he must bathe in the river, whatever the weather may be, using for the purpose a ladder on which no one else may set foot. His only nourishment is bread and water. In the temple he superintends the brewing of the beer for the festivals.1072 In the village of Tomil, in Yap, one of the Caroline Islands, the year consists of twenty-four months, and there are five men who for a hundred days of the year may eat only fish and taro, may not chew betel, and must observe strict continence. The reason assigned by them for submitting to these restraints is that if they did not act thus the immature girls would attain to puberty too soon.1073

To explain the ultimate reason why any particular food is prohibited to a whole tribe or to certain of its members would commonly require a far more intimate knowledge of the history and beliefs of the tribe than we possess. The general motive of such prohibitions is doubtless the same which underlies the whole taboo system, namely, the conservation of the tribe and the individual.

1008A. D'Orbigny, Voyage dans l'Amérique méridionale, ii. 93; Lieut. Musters, “On the Races of Patagonia,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, i. (1872) p. 197; J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, p. 36. The Patagonians sometimes throw their hair into a river instead of burning it.
1009L. F. Sauvé, Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 170.
1010Z. Zanetti, La Medicina delle nostre donne (Città di Castello, 1892), pp. 234 sq.
1011A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 99; Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 447; R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (London, 1904), p. 83; A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, British Nigeria (London, 1902), p. 286; David Livingstone, Narrative of Expedition to the Zambesi, pp. 46 sq.; W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches,2 i. 365. In some parts of New Guinea cut hair is destroyed for the same reason (H. H. Romilly, From my Verandah in New Guinea, London, 1889, p. 83).
1012W. H. Furness, The Island of Stone Money, Uap of the Carolines (Philadelphia and London, 1910), P. 137.
1013Fr. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, p. 451.
1014W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5 (Brisbane, 1903), p. 21.
1015Captain R. Fitzroy, Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle, i. (London, 1839). pp. 313 sq.
1016J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. i. part iv. (April 1900) p. 360.
1017I. V. Zingerle, Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes2 (Innsbruck, 1871), p. 28, §§ 177, 179, 180.
1018U. Jahn, Hexenwesen und Zauberei in Pommern (Breslau, 1886), p. 15; Mélusine, 1878, col. 79; E. Monseur, Le Folklore Wallon, p. 91.
1019E. H. Meyer, Indogermanische Mythen, ii. Achilleis (Berlin, 1877), p. 523.
1020P. Lowell, Chosön, the Land of the Morning Calm, a Sketch of Korea (London, Preface dated 1885), pp. 199-201; Mrs. Bishop, Korea and her Neighbours (London, 1898), ii. 55 sq.
1021Above, p. .
1022Above, pp. , , , , .
1023W. Ridley, “Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ii. (1873) p. 268.
1024Fr. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, p. 795.
1025F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud, v. (Paris, 1851) p. 46.
1026J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 34.
1027See G. A. Wilken, Über das Haaropfer und einige andere Trauergebräuche bei den Völkern Indonesiens, pp. 94 sqq. (reprinted from the Revue Coloniale Internationale, Amsterdam, 1886-87); H. Ploss, Das Kind in Brauch und Sitte der Völker,2 i. 289 sqq.; K. Potkanski, “Die Ceremonie der Haarschur bei den Slaven und Germanen,” Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Krakau, May 1896, pp. 232-251.
1028Above, p. .
1029Above, pp. sqq.
1030J. Campbell, Travels in South Africa, Second Journey (London, 1822), ii. 205.
1031H. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, pp. 426 sq.
1032L. F. Alfred Maury, “Les Populations primitives du nord de l'Hindoustan,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IVme Série, vii. (1854) p. 197.
1033Lucian, De dea Syria, 53.
1034A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 160.
1035W. H. Furness, Folk-lore in Borneo (Wallingford, Pennsylvania, 1899; privately printed), p. 28.
1036B. Gutmann, “Trauer und Begräbnissitten der Wadschagga,” Globus, lxxxix. (1906) p. 198.
1037Miss A. Werner, The Natives of British Central Africa (London, 1906), pp. 165, 166, 167.
1038J. M. Hildebrandt, “Ethnographische Notizen über Wakamba und ihre Nachbarn,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, x. (1878) p. 395. Children who are born in an unusual position, the second born of twins, and children whose upper teeth appear before the lower, are similarly exposed by the Akikuyu. The mother is regarded as unclean, not so much because she has exposed, as because she has given birth to such a child.
1039Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, p. 375.
1040Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535; Pausanias, viii. 34. 3. In two paintings on Greek vases we see Apollo in his character of the purifier preparing to cut off the hair of Orestes. See Monumenti inediti, 1847, pl. 48; Annali dell' Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, 1847, pl. x.; Archaeologische Zeitung, 1860, pll. cxxxvii. cxxxviii.; L. Stephani, in Compte rendu de la Commission archéologique (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 271 sq.
1041C. Martin, “Über die Eingeborenen von Chiloe,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, ix. (1877) pp. 177 sq.
1042J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1891), pp. 392 sq.
1043B. C. A. J. van Dinter, “Eenige geographische en ethnographische aanteekeningen betreffende het eiland Siaoe,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xii. (1899) p. 381.
1044A. W. Howitt, “On Australian Medicine-men,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xvi. (1887) p. 27; id., Native Tribes of South-east Australia, p. 365.
1045E. Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (London, 1843), ii. 59.
1046Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, p. 209; id., in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 131.
1047C. le Gobin, Histoire des Isles Marianes (Paris, 1700), p. 52. The writer confesses his ignorance of the reason of the custom.
1048C. de Mensignac, Recherches ethnographiques sur la salive et le crachat (Bordeaux, 1892), pp. 48 sq.
1049Vahness, reported by F. von Luschan, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1900, p. (416).
1050K. Vetter, Komm herüber und hilf uns! iii. (Barmen, 1898) pp. 9 sq.
1051Indian Antiquary, xxviii. (1899) pp. 83 sq.
1052W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches,2 i. 365.
1053A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 99.
1054C. Partridge, Cross River Natives (London, 1905), p. 8.
1055A. Raffenel, Voyage dans l'Afrique occidentale (Paris, 1846), p. 338.
1056C. de Mensignac, op. cit. p. 48.
1057Mission Evangelica al reyno de Congo por la serafica religion de los Capuchinos (Madrid, 1649), p. 70 verso.
1058R. Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, Neue Folge (Leipsic, 1889), p. 13.
1059F. W. Christian, The Caroline Islands (London, 1899), pp. 289 sq.
1060R. Southey, History of Brazil, i.2 (London, 1822) pp. 127, 138.
1061J. Raum, “Blut und Speichelbünde bei den Wadschagga,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, x. (1907) pp. 290 sq.
1062Above, pp. sq.
1063Porphyry, De abstinentia, iii. 18.
1064A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, ii. 170. The blood may perhaps be drunk by them as a medium of inspiration. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. pp. 381 sqq.
1065O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique, p. 336.
1066T. J. Hutchinson, Impressions of Western Africa (London, 1858), p. 198.
1067M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 21.
1068J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 526 sqq., from information furnished by the Rev. J. Roscoe.
1069G. Watt (quoting Col. W. J. M'Culloch), “The Aboriginal Tribes of Manipur,” in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xvi. (1887) p. 360.
1070T. C. Hodson, “The Native Tribes of Manipur,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 306.
1071Indian Antiquary, xxi. (1892) pp. 317 sq.; (Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, part ii. vol. i. p. 308.
1072“Die Pschawen und Chewsuren im Kaukasus,” Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, ii. (1857) p. 76.
1073A. Senfft, “Ethnographische Beiträge über die Karolineninsel Yap,” Petermanns Mitteilungen, xlix. (1903) p. 54. In Gall, another village of the same island, the people grow bananas for sale, but will not eat them themselves, fearing that if they did so the women of the village would be barren (ibid.).